(نيويورك، 21 يونيو/حزيران 2012) ـ قالت هيومن رايتس ووتش اليوم إنه يتعين على السلطات الإيرانية تقديم معلومات فورية عن مكان وأحوال سبعة رجال ينتمون إلى الأقلية العرقية العربية بالبلاد ومعروف أنهم في عهدة السلطات الإيرانية. تخشى هيومن رايتس ووتش أن تكون سلطات السجن في مدينة الأحواز الجنوبية الغربية قد أعدمت أربعة على الأقل من الرجال السبعة في الأيام الأخيرة، وقد رفضت حتى الآن تسليم الجثث إلى ذويهم. قالت هيومن ووتش إن السلطات الإيرانية عليها أن تعلق استخدام عقوبة الإعدام فوراً.
قالت مصادر مقربة من أسر الإخوة الثلاثة ـ طه حيدريان، 28 سنة، وعباس حيدريان، 25 سنة، وعبد الرحمن حيدريان، 23 سنة ـ قالت لـ هيومن رايتس ووتش إن السلطات قامت يوم 17 يونيو/حزيران بإبلاغ العائلة بإعدام الثلاثة. قامت سلطات السجن بنقل الإخوة قبل أسبوعين من العنبر العام بسجن كارون إلى جهة غير معلومة. تم اعتقال أخ آخر وأخذه بدوره إلى جهة غير معلومة حين استعلم عن مكان إخوته. لم تتلق أسر الإخوة أية معلومات منذ نقلهم، مما يثير المخاوف من إعدام الرجال الأربعة المحكوم عليهم بالإعدام في غضون أيام. الرجل الرابع الذي يُعتقد أنه أعدم هو علي نعامي شريفي.
وقال جو ستورك، نائب المدير التنفيذي لقسم الشرق الأوسط في هيومن رايتس ووتش: "على مسؤولي السجن أن يطلعوا أسر هؤلاء الرجال على مصير أقاربهم. حتى عند إدانة شخص ما بجريمة خطيرة، فإن هذا لا يعنى حرمان عائلته من المعلومات ـ كما يجب على السلطات تسليم جثث من تم إعدامهم لإتاحة الدفن اللائق".
كانت قوات الأمن قد اعتقلت الإخوة حيدريان، والشريفي، عقب احتجاجات معارضة للحكومة في عدة بلدات في أرجاء محافظة خوزستان ذات الأغلبية العربية، يوم 15 أبريل/نيسان 2011 أو ما تلاه. زعمت [السلطات] أن المحتجزين مسؤولون عن قتل رجل شرطة. أقيمت احتجاجات أبريل/نيسان 2011 لإحياء الذكرى السادسة لاحتجاجات 2005 في خوزستان، التي فتحت فيها قوات الأمن النيران لتفريق المتظاهرين في الأحواز وغيرها من المدن والبلدات، فقتلت 50 محتجاً على الأقل واحتجزت المئات. يرى المحتجون أن الحكومة الإيرانية تمارس التمييز المنهجي ضد الأقلية العربية، وخاصة في مجالات التوظيف والإسكان والحقوق المدنية والسياسية.
قالت عدة مصادر مقربة من عائلات المحتجزين داخل إيران وخارجها، قالت لـ هيومن رايتس ووتش إن مسؤولي سجن كارون بالأحواز قاموا في 9 يونيو/حزيران بنقل طه وعباس وعبد الرحمن حيدريان وثلاثة آخرين، هم منصور حيدريان وأمير معاوي وشريفي، إلى جهة غير معلومة. قالت المصادر إن السلطات قامت في نفس اليوم أيضاً باعتقال عبد الجليل حيدريان، وهو أخ آخر من الإخوة حيدريان، حين حاول معرفة المزيد من المعلومات عن قضية إخوته، ونقلته بدوره إلى جهة غير معلومة. قال أحد المصادر لـ هيومن رايتس ووتش إن محكمة ثورية حكمت على معاوي بـ15 عاماً من النفي الداخلي في تهم تتعلق بالأمن الوطني، لكنه ليس في عنبر الإعدام.
أدانت محكمة ثورية في الأحواز الإخوة حيدريان، إضافة إلى شريفي، بتهمة قتل ضابط شرطة وجرح آخر في اثناء احتجاجات 15 أبريل/نيسان 2011، حسب تصريح نشطاء من الإيرانيين العرب لـ هيومن رايتس ووتش. يُعتقد أن الادعاء اتهم الرجال بمحاربة الله والإفساد في الأرض، وهي تهم عقوبتها الإعدام. في 5 مارس/آذار قام مسؤولو وزارة الاستخبارات بإبلاغ أسر المحتجزين بأن المحكمة العليا أكدت حكم المحكمة الأدنى والعقوبة، وقالوا إن احتمال إعدام المحتجزين صار وشيكاً.
لم تتمكن هيومن رايتس ووتش من العثور على أية معلومات عامة عن مكان وموعد المحاكمة المبدئية. أنكرت السلطات على المحتجزين الحق في التواصل المنتظم مع أسرهم ومحامييهم في فترة ما قبل المحاكمة، مما أثار المخاوف من خضوع الرجال للتعذيب لإجبارهم على الاعتراف، كما قالت المصادر.
في 13 ديسمبر/كانون الأول 2011 قامت محطة "بريس تي في" الحكومية الناطقة بالإنجليزية بإذاعة وثائقي يُظهر ثلاثة رجال من العرب يعترفون أمام الكاميرا بأنهم نفذوا "أنشطة إرهابية". زعم البرنامج أن الرجال ـ هادي راشدي وهاشم شعباني وطه حيدريان ـ هم جزء من جماعة باسم "خلق عرب"، وزعم أيضاً أن تلك الجماعة مدعومة من الولايات المتحدة والمملكة المتحدة، علاوة على الإيرانيين العرب المقيمين في الخارج الذين يتظاهرون بأنهم من نشطاء حقوق الإنسان.
كان مصدر يعرف كلا من راشدي وشعباني قد أبلغ هيومن رايتس ووتش من قبل بأنهما كانا ضمن أكثر من 10 من سكان خلف أباد، البلدة الواقعةعلى بعد نحو 120 كيلومتراً جنوب شرق الأحواز، ممن اعتقلتهم السلطات واحتجزتهم منذ يناير/كانون الثاني 2011. المعلومات المتاحة عن التهم الموجهة لراشدي وشعباني قليلة، لكن المصادر تخشى تعرضهم لنفس مصير طه حيدريان والآخرين.
قالت هيومن رايتس ووتش إنه منذ مايو/أيار 2011 أعدمت السلطات 11 على الأقل من الرجال الإيرانيين العرب، وصبياً عمره 16 سنة، في سجن كارون، لارتباطهم المزعوم بجماعات ضالعة في مهاجمة قوات الأمن. قال النشطاء الحقوقيون لـ هيومن رايتس ووتش إن 6 أشخاص آخرين على الأقل تعرضوا للتعذيب حتى الموت في عهدة قوات الأمن والاستخبارات على ذمة التظاهرات المعارضة للحكومة التي اجتاحت محافظة خوزستان في أبريل/نيسان 2011 و 2012.
تعارض هيومن رايتس ووتش عقوبة الإعدام في كافة الظروف نظراً لطبيعتها القاسية، وغير الإنسانية، ولكونها عقوبة لا يمكن الرجوع عنها.
في أبريل/نيسان 2011 قامت هيومن رايتس ووتش بتوثيق استخدام الذخيرة الحية من قِبل قوات الأمن ضد المحتجين في المدن في أرجاء محافظة خوزستان، مما قتل العشرات وجرح أعداداً أكبر بكثير. لم يتم التحقيق مع أي مسؤول إيراني بشأن هؤلاء القتلى.
جددت هيومن رايتس ووتش أيضاً نداءها للسلطات الإيرانية بالسماح لوسائل الإعلام ومنظمات حقوق الإنسان الدولية المستقلة بالتحقيق في مزاعم وقوع انتهاكات جسيمة لحقوق الإنسان في محافظة خوزستان.
قال جو ستورك: "يوحي ارتفاع عدد المعتقلين والقتلى في محافظة خوزستان في السنوات الأخيرة، إضافة إلى التعتيم الإعلامي، بأن لدى الحكومة أموراً فظيعة تريد إخفاءها. تتطلب العدالة البسيطة من السلطات أن تفتح تحقيقات مستقلة وشفافة في مصير المعتقلين وفي مزاعم التعذيب".

United Nations A/67/327

General Assembly Distr.: General

 

22 August 2012

Original: English

12-46990 (E) 011012

*1246990*

 

Sixty-seventh session

Item 70 (c) of the provisional agenda*

Promotion and protection of human rights: human

 

rights situations and reports of special rapporteurs

 

and representatives

 

Situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran

Report of the Secretary-General

 

Summary

 

The present report is submitted in accordance with General Assembly resolution 66/175, in which the Assembly requested the Secretary-General to submit a report to the Assembly at its sixty-seventh session. The report reflects the patterns and trends in the human rights situation in the Islamic Republic of Iran and provides information on progress made in the implementation of the present resolution, including recommendations to improve its implementation. In its resolution 66/175, the Assembly called upon the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran to address the substantive concerns highlighted in the previous report of the Secretary-General

(A/66/361) and to respect fully its human rights obligations, in law and in practice, in relation to a number of specifically identified concerns.

 

* A/67/150.

A/67/327

 

2 12-46990

Contents

Page

 

I. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3

II. Thematic issues . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3

 

A. Torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, including flogging

 

and amputations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3

 

B. Death penalty, including public executions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5

 

C. Executions of juvenile offenders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6

D. Women’s rights . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7

 

E. Rights of minorities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8

 

F. Freedom of peaceful assembly and association and freedom of opinion and expression . 10

G. Economic, social and cultural rights . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14

 

III. Cooperation with international human rights mechanisms and the Office of the United

Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16

 

A. Cooperation with the United Nations human rights treaty system . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16

 

B. Cooperation with special procedures. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17

 

C. Cooperation with the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human

 

Rights . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17

 

IV. Conclusions and recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18

 

A/67/327

 

12-46990 3

I. Introduction

 

1. The present report is submitted pursuant to General Assembly resolution 66/175, in which the Secretary-General was requested to report to the Assembly at its sixty-seventh session on the progress made in the implementation of the resolution. It reflects the latest patterns and trends in the human rights situation in the Islamic Republic of Iran and attempts to highlight issues affecting the improvement of economic, social and cultural rights. It draws upon observations made by treaty monitoring bodies, the special procedures of the Human Rights Council, United Nations agencies and international non-governmental organizations. It also refers to information from official State media, owing to the difficulty of collecting independent data on the human rights situation in the Islamic Republic ofIran.

 

2. Since the last report of the Secretary-General to the Human Rights Council (A/HRC/19/82), human rights violations continued, targeting in particular journalists, human rights defenders and women’s rights activists. Concerns about torture, amputations, flogging, the increasingly frequent application of the death penalty (including in public and for political prisoners), arbitrary detention and unfair trials, continue to be raised by United Nations human rights mechanisms. Freedom of expression and assembly remained curtailed, and opposition leaders have remained confined under house arrest since February 2011. Discrimination against minority groups persisted, in some cases amounting to persecution.

 

3. There were, however, some positive developments including the engagement by the Islamic Republic of Iran with the Human Rights Committee, which reviewed its third periodic report under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (CCPR/C/IRN/3) in October 2011, and the visit of a working-level mission of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) in December 2011. Also, the new Islamic Penal Code, adopted by Parliament in January 2012, omits the penalty of stoning and reduces the range of offences for which the death penalty may be applied against juveniles. Regrettably, the Government did not admit the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran, nor did it follow up on its pledge to invite two special procedures mandate holders.

 

II. Thematic issues

A. Torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or

 

punishment, including flogging and amputations

 

4. As highlighted in the last report of the Secretary-General to the Human Rights Council, the recurrence of allegations of torture in detention facilities remains an area of grave concern to United Nations human rights mechanisms. The special procedures mandate holders of the Human Rights Council and the United Nations treaty bodies continue to express concern about reports of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. In their comments on the Secretary- General’s report, the authorities stated that the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran forbids the use of all forms of torture for the purpose of extracting confession or acquiring information and that the Islamic Penal Code and the Code on citizen’s rights provide for acts of torture to be punished.

 

5. A joint study on global practices in relation to secret detention in the context of countering terrorism, conducted by a number of special procedures mandate holders (see A/HRC/19/44) identified a pattern of incommunicado detention of political prisoners in secret or unofficial detention facilities. Concerns were expressed about section 209 at Evin Prison, where political prisoners in particular are often held in prolonged, solitary and incommunicado confinement.1 In communications to the authorities, the Special Rapporteur on torture expressed concern about reports of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment and stressed that the use of solitary and prolonged confinement increases the risk that acts of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment will go undetected and unchallenged (see A/HRC/19/61/Add.4). The Human Rights Committee echoed similar concern about reports of the widespread use of torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment in detention facilities, particularly in respect of persons accused of national securityrelatedcrimes.

 

6. On 28 February 2012, the Special Rapporteur on torture, the Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions and the Independent Expert on minority issues expressed grave concerns about the alleged torture and subsequent death in detention of two ethnic Ahwazi Arab activists. According to the information received, Mr. Nasser Alboshokeh Derafshan, an ethnic Arab who had reportedly been arrested by security forces on 26 January, died under torture during his detention. His family was informed of his death on 30 January. Mr. Mohammad Al-Kaabi was arrested by security forces in Shush on 21 January and taken to a detention facility run by the Ministry of Intelligence, where he was allegedly tortured to death. Local authorities reportedly buried the body and warned his family to abstain from conducting public mourning services.

 

7. Amputation and corporal punishment, including flogging, which is considered incompatible with article 7 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political imposition of retribution punishment continue to be received. During the reporting period, at least three persons charged with acid attacks were sentenced to blinding, and their cases are pending final approval by the Chief of the Judiciary. The Iranian authorities exclude the State’s responsibility in cases of retribution and stress that sharia jurisprudence considers retribution a private right of the victim’s family and that the authority to execute the punishment is solely dependent upon the demand of

the victim’s family. There are reports of a noticeable increase in corporal punishment, particularly in public. The authorities refer to crime deterrence and an alternative to incarceration as justification. On 22 May, one person accused of abduction was publicly punished with 74 lashes in Khuzistan.

 

B. Death penalty, including public executions

 

8. In January 2012, the Parliament of the Islamic Republic of Iran passed a revised Islamic Penal Code. It is currently pending final approval by the Guardian Council and signing by the President. It reportedly omits the punishment of stoning and the details of this method of execution but retains the death penalty for crimes

relating to national security, Moharebeh (enmity against God), mofsid-fil-arz (corruption on earth), drug trafficking, rape, qisas (retribution in kind) and certain other hudud crimes. The Secretary-General, while welcoming the omission of the punishment of stoning, regrets that the revised law fails to take into account numerous calls by the international community, in particular the United Nations human rights mechanisms, to fully abolish the death penalty or to restrict its imposition to only the “most serious crimes”, as stipulated in article 6 (2) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Furthermore, concern remains that the punishment of stoning may still be issued at a judge’s discretion, in accordance with sharia law or fatwas.

 

9. The Secretary-General is concerned that the death penalty continues to be applied with alarming frequency. He notes with concern the reported executions of over 600 persons in 2011, and the ensuing escalation in executions in the first half of 2012, with over 200 persons reported to have been executed since January. The

special procedures also continue to express alarm at the high number of death sentences handed down and the increased number of executions carried out, on the basis of charges that do not amount to the most serious crimes, in particular drugrelated charges. On 23 May, authorities reported the execution of 14 persons for drug-related offences in Tehran. On 28 June, the Special Rapporteurs on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran, on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, and on torture publicly condemned executions in the Islamic Republic of Iran and stated that at least 140 executions, including 25 in public, were

known to have been carried out since the beginning of 2012, with some sources indicating the figure to be as high as 220. In his report to the Human Rights Council, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran expressed concern about the executions of persons charged with drug-related offences and reported the executions of 600 persons in 2011, the majority for offences involving drugs (see A/HRC/19/66). Concerns were also raised regarding fair trial safeguards, including access by convicts to lawyers and to their families. The authorities attribute the increased number of executions to drug trafficking and maintain that all legal proceedings and requirements are completed in drug-related cases. The Judiciary also appears to be expanding the scope of the executions to include cases relating to financial embezzlement. On 30 July, a Judiciary spokesman was quoted as saying that 4 of the 39 persons convicted in a $2.6 billion financial fraud case had been given the death penalty; others had received jail sentences, including life imprisonment.2

 

10. The Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions sent several communications during the reporting period, expressing concerns about the ongoing adjudication of death penalties for crimes of Moharebeh (enmity against God), mofsid-fil-arz (corruption on earth), apostasy and drug-related cases,
following trials in which the guarantees of due process of law had not been properly applied. On 15 November 2011, the Special Rapporteurs on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, on the independence of judges and lawyers and on torture, and the Independent Expert on minority issues drew the authorities’ attention to the imminent execution of Kurdish activists, Mr. Zanyar Moradi and Mr. Loghman

Moradi, both sentenced to public execution in December 2010 on charges of Moharebeh (enmity against God) and mofsid-fil-arz (corruption on earth). The sentence was apparently upheld by the Supreme Court in October 2011. It is alleged that both men were coerced into confession after being tortured for 25 days. In a letter dated 11 June 2012, the Iranian authorities confirmed the death penalty for both men and stated that the verdict was open to appeal.

11. The high incidence of executions in public remains an ongoing concern, with a spike reported in 2012. At least 40 public executions were reported by the authorities in 2011, and over 30 cases were recorded in the first half of 2012. The majority of the executions were reportedly attended by a large crowd, including minors.

C. Executions of juvenile offenders

 

12. There have been efforts to progressively restrict the executions of juvenile offenders. The revised Islamic Penal Code, which is yet to be approved, does not end juvenile executions but establishes new measures to limit the juvenile death penalty. It revokes capital punishment for persons under the age of 18 charged with certain crimes, such as smuggling narcotics. In cases of attempted premeditated murder, where juveniles may still face execution, the Code introduces the notion of mental maturity and the ability to reason as key elements regarding their sentencing under capital offences. Article 90 of the revised Islamic Penal Code stipulates that juveniles under 18 who commit offences under the categories of hudud and qisas will not be sentenced to death if the court decides, through forensic evidence, that the offender did not have adequate mental maturity and the ability to reason. However, the Code does not raise the age of criminal liability of children. The latest juvenile execution reported was in September 2011, when 17-year-old Alireza Molla-Soltani was publicly hanged.

 

13. Furthermore, under the category of discretionary penalties (tazir), the Code abolishes corporal punishment and introduces alternative penalties that include community service, thereby minimizing the incidence of depriving children of their liberty; takes age and the severity of the offence into account in the determination of the punishment; and authorizes judges to assess progress in the rehabilitation of child offenders and eventually, discontinue punishment, especially in the case of deprivation of liberty. Moreover, the revised Code of Criminal Procedures, which has yet to be adopted, contains provisions that protect the rights of children. The revised Code of Criminal Procedures also provides for the establishment of juvenile courts that would hear all crimes committed by children and individuals under 18.

 

14. During its visit to Tehran in December 2011, the authorities informed an OHCHR delegation that the number of juvenile executions had dropped dramatically and that offences committed by persons under the age of 18 were tried in children’s courts, where efforts were being made to apply lenient punishments.

The authorities also pointed out that, even in cases of qisas (retribution), regarded under Iranian law as the private right of the victim’s family, and which cannot be

overruled by the judiciary, extensive efforts were being made by the Conciliation Commission of the judiciary to encourage the families of the victim and the perpetrator to reach a diyah (blood money) settlement. They also informed the delegation that the Government’s policy was to encourage next of kin to forfeit the right to qisas and that, each year, specific funds were earmarked by the Ministry of Justice to assist persons sentenced to pay the diyah settlement.

 

D. Women’s rights

 

15. In addition to achievements in women’s education and health, measures to improve women’s participation in decision-making and women’s political participation have been reported. There are currently four women cabinet ministers and a number of vice-ministers, and one of the organizational posts in each ministry is allocated to an adviser on women’s and family affairs.3 The number of women members of Islamic Councils in rural and provincial areas increased by 8.44 per cent in the third-term elections. The number of women in management positions in the Ministry of Education is reported to have increased from 45 in 2005 to 482 in 2011. In the past academic year, 390,306 girls were admitted to higher education, an increase of 192.96 per cent in three decades. Against this backdrop, the number of women representatives in Parliament remains low.4 Women face restrictions in their appointment to certain decision-making positions. No woman can serve as President of the country and no woman has ever been appointed to the Council of Guardians or the Expediency Council.5 Women may act as advisory judges, but cannot preside over a court.

 

16. The 2011 national census indicated that women’s overall economic participation rate is 12.6 per cent, a decrease of 3 per cent compared with 2005.

Women constitute only 13 per cent of the paid workforce. This is coupled with the prevalence of discriminatory job advertisements, which call for only men or only women applicants. Such requirements would seem discriminatory and could be based on stereotyped assumptions regarding which jobs are considered suitable for women.

17. The authorities have been working towards comprehensive gender segregation in universities and other institutions of higher education. In September 2011, the Minister of Science, Research and Technology revealed a comprehensive gender segregation plan based on a decision of the Supreme Council of the Cultural

Revolution. The plan has received support from religious clerics, who have been pressing for total gender segregation in public places. Since September 2011, several universities have received authorization to implement gender segregation. Authorities have also been encouraging women students to study in their home cities and require those wishing to study elsewhere to produce authorizations from their father or husband. Women’s access to higher education is further curtailed by the quota system in universities. The Guidelines for University Entrance Exams (2011-2012) prescribe a quota for admission of men and women to certain public engineering universities for the current academic year. Based on those restrictions, it was estimated that fewer than 32 per cent of the admitted students were women. The percentage was 45 per cent for 2007-2008. These measures constrain women’s ability to exercise their free and equal access to higher education. 18. According to various reliable reports, women activists continue to face intimidation and detention. A group of Iranian women activists, fearful of reprisal from the authorities, decided not to attend the fifty-sixth session of the Commission on the Status of Women in New York (February-March 2012).6 A number of activists had been arrested and charged with national security-related charges for their participation in the Commission’s fifty-fifth session in 2011, including Maryam Bahrman, an Iranian women’s rights activist and member of the “One Million Signatures Campaign”, who was arrested on 11 May 2011 and charged with national security offences. She is currently awaiting a court hearing. Another women’s rights activist, Faranak Farid, also arrested in September 2011, is facing similar charges. The authorities argue that women activists associated with the “One Million Signatures Campaign” are engaged in illegal activities because they failed to gain legal permission as required by the law on “Activities of Political Parties, Societies, Political and Professional Associations and Islamic and Recognized Minority Religious Associations”.

 

19. The Family Protection Bill introduced in the Majlis (Parliament) in 2007 is pending final approval. Certain controversial provisions in the Bill on taxing dowries, the marriage of an Iranian woman to a non-Iranian man and the practice of temporary marriages, which have a significant socioeconomic impact on women’s

lives, were nominally improved. Concern remains that the Bill still hinders women’s advancement. For instance, it makes registration of temporary marriages obligatory only in cases where pregnancy is involved; the parties have specifically requested registration; or registration is a condition of the marriage. The lack of obligation to´register temporary marriage would be a major setback for the promotion of gender equality and would undermine women’s marital rights.

E. Rights of minorities

 

20. The international community continues to express concerns about the very serious discrimination against ethnic and religious minorities in law and in practice, in particular the Baha’i community. The Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran expressed alarm about the systemic and systematic persecution of members of the Baha’i community, including severe socioeconomic pressure and arrests and detention. He also deplored the Government’s tolerance of an intensive defamation campaign aimed at inciting discrimination and hate against Baha’is. He noted that 474 Baha’is had been arrested since 2004, 97 of whom were currently imprisoned (see A/HRC/19/66).

The authorities note that while Baha’ism is not recognized as an official religion, its followers enjoy equal social, civil and citizens’ rights. The Government states that they are free to travel overseas, enjoy banking rights and have equal access to institutions of higher education. The Government asserts that the Baha’i community

has recruited members by irregular means or has acted against national security. On 31 May 2012, in a joint statement, a number of human rights organizations7 expressed concern about the systematic deprivation of and discrimination against the Baha’i in institutes of higher education, noting that members of the Baha’i community were frequently prevented from pursuing higher education in violation of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, which recognizes the right of everyone to education and provides that higher education shall be made equally accessible to all on the basis of capacity. Hundreds of Baha’i students reportedly have been banned from entering public and private universities.

21. Other minority groups are also reported to have been subjected to a range of human rights violations and face severe restrictions on their freedom of religion and belief. Members of the Ahwazi Arab, Baloch and Kurdish communities face multifaceted discrimination, and their legitimate freedoms and rights are frequently transgressed. Members of these communities have frequently been arrested and given disproportionately heavy sentences, including the death penalty. On 19 June 2012, authorities reportedly executed at least four members of the Ahwazi community, who had been arrested in April 2011 during a protest in Khuzestan. The

four men were convicted of Moharebeh (enmity against God) and mofsid-fil-arz (corruption on earth) and were sentenced to death following an apparently unfair trial. On 6 March 2012, Sheikh Hasan Amini, a prominent Sunni scholar, was summoned by the Clerical Court of Hamadan. He is reportedly accused of propaganda against the system for having criticized the Government for the detention of Sunni scholars and the ban on building Sunni mosques in Tehran.8 Restrictions on building mosques and houses of worship and offering prayers in congregation (especially Eid and Friday prayers) are long-standing concerns raised by Sunni scholars.9 On 14 May, one person was reportedly killed and several wounded when security forces opened fire on residents of Rask, who were protesting the arrest of at least 15 Sunni scholars in relation to the assassination, on 20 January, of Mullawi Jangi Zehi, the Friday prayer leader of Rask.10

 

22. The Secretary-General recognizes that the Islamic Republic of Iran generously hosts one of the largest and longest-standing refugee populations in the world, particularly from neighbouring Afghanistan and Iraq. As at July 2011, the Bureau for Aliens’ and Foreign Immigrants’ Affairs had registered 1,019,700 Afghan and

41,800 Iraqi refugees. There was a significant decline in the voluntary repatriation of Afghans, with 3,520 registered Afghan refugees returning home between January and June 2010, but in 2011, the number of people willing to repatriate increased.

23. The Islamic Republic of Iran has adopted some favourable measures to improve the situation of Afghan refugees. Since 2008, the Government has issued temporary work permits to eligible registered Afghan refugees. During the registration exercise in June 2011, the Government identified vulnerable registered refugees who qualified for exemption from payment of municipality taxes and school tuition fees.11

 

24. In this context, the Secretary-General regrets reports that the Ministry of Education recently banned foreign nationals, including Afghans, from education in 20 fields, including atomic physics, nuclear engineering, aerospace engineering, chemical engineering and military science. Children born of registered refugee parents also continued to be denied birth certificates. In addition, authorities imposed restrictions on the freedom of movement of foreigners, including Afghan refugees, who were prevented from visiting public parks12 and were recently banned from residing in several areas. Authorities in Fars province imposed restrictions on the selling of food products and cloths and on the delivery of public and medical services to undocumented foreigners. Bakeries, grocery stores and medical centres were warned to strictly abide by the rules and that any breach could lead to the closure of their businesses.13 Employers were also warned against hiring undocumented foreign nationals.

 

25. Rising inflation and the removal of subsidies has affected the already difficult financial situation of refugees, who struggle to afford food and medical costs. The Government’s plan to issue cash grants in lieu of subsidies for utilities and basic commodities has not been extended to refugees. This has resulted in a large number

of vulnerable refugees approaching the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) for assistance.11

 

F. Freedom of peaceful assembly and association and freedom of

 

opinion and expression

 

26. On 27 May 2012, the ninth Parliament was sworn in, following two rounds of elections, in which 290 members, including nine women, were elected. In the first round of elections, held on 2 March, 225 candidates won parliamentary seats. A total of 5,395 individuals, including 428 women, had registered as candidates, 3,467 of whom were qualified to run for election. The run-off vote for the remaining 65 seats was held in 33 constituencies across the country on 4 May. Overall, the authorities estimated an increase of 10 per cent in voter turnout compared with the previous parliamentary elections.

27. Serious concerns remain about the vetting of the candidates by the Guardian Council, whose screening process is based on restrictive criteria set out in law and led to the rejection of numerous candidates, including sitting members of Parliament. Irregularities were evident during the vetting process; the Guardian Council disqualified a number of sitting parliamentary candidates for having questioned the President and reinstated them only days before the election, thus virtually paralysing their campaign efforts. In its examination of the third periodic report of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Human Rights Committee expressed concern about the registration requirements in election campaigns and the Guardian Council’s right to reject parliamentary candidates (see CCPR/C/IRN/CO/3, para. 29).

Concerns were also reported about the interference by the Revolutionary Guard Corps in the elections. Ali Motahari, a conservative member of Parliament, who was elected during the run-off, accused the Revolutionary Guard Corps of direct interference in the elections by swaying voters at various voting stations to their preferred candidates.

 

28. Furthermore, the continuous and prolonged house arrest, since February 2011, of the two main opposition leaders, Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karoubi, the suspension of licences of reformist political parties14 prior to the election, and the denial of permission for opposition groups to stage rallies adversely affected political activities. The Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association expressed concern about peaceful assemblies in the Islamic Republic of Iran that were either not allowed or were violently dispersed (see A/HRC/20/27).

29. The Human Rights Committee expressed concern about the restrictions imposed on freedom of expression and opinion. The Committee noted that many newspapers and magazines, as well as the Journalists Association, had been closed since 2008 and that many journalists, newspaper editors, film-makers and media

workers had been arrested and detained since the 2009 presidential elections (see CCPR/C/IRN/CO/3, para. 27). Journalists and media workers continued to be subjected to arrest, detention and interrogation for exercising their right to freedom of opinion and expression, promoting democracy and reporting human rights violations. As at December 2011, at least 40 journalists had reportedly been imprisoned, with several others at risk of arrest.15 Even journalists working on land and environmental issues faced arbitrary arrest on charges such as espionage (see

 

30. In a report to the Human Rights Council, the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression stressed that the imprisonment of bloggers was a clear example of the criminalization of legitimate expression, pointing out that 13 bloggers had been imprisoned on charges relating to the content of their online expression (see A/HRC/17/27, para. 35). On 16 February 2012, several special procedures mandate holders,16 in a joint communication, expressed concerns about the arrests, from 28 December 2011 through January 2012, of at least 16 journalists and bloggers mostly affiliated with reformist papers or websites critical of Government policies. For instance, in May 2012, Mahmoud Shokraye, an Iranian cartoonist was sentenced to 25 lashes for depicting an Iranian Member of Parliament in a cartoon. On 25 February, a group of Iranian journalists, in a letter to the Head of the Special Court for the Clergy, requested the release of Mohammad Saed Zakari, one of the directors of a publication in the Islamic Republic of Iran. According to these journalists, Mr. Zakari had been arrested around 20 February at the order of the Special Courtfor the Clergy for criticizing the performance of a high-profile official. The authorities note that the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran guarantees freedom of expression and assembly and that the press is free to publish articles except those that disturb Islamic principles or public rights.

 

31. In March 2012, authorities suspended the press accreditation of the Reuters news agency in the Islamic Republic of Iran for misreporting on women’s martial arts. A story entitled “Thousands of female Ninjas train as Iran’s assassins” was published in February 2012 and prompted a harsh reaction by the Iranian authorities. Reuters was sued over the story, despite the fact that it had acknowledged its error and reportedly corrected the story on the same day.17

Authorities also revoked the licence of Chashmeh Publications and barred it from the twenty-fifth Tehran International Book Fair for insulting Islamic values.18 There are also concerns about a series of restrictions imposed on publishing activity, including the suspension of publishing houses’ licences and the prevention of

publications from exhibiting at the fair. Those banned from the exhibition included Chashmeh, Ahang-e Digar, Omaid-e Farda, Koyer, Teimorzadeh, Daftar Sher Jowan, Botimar and the Sunni publications Seddiqi and Farooq-e-A’dham. Furthermore, on 10 May, the Tehran International Book Fair police reportedly prevented Aras Kurdistan, Hafedh Abru and Eilaf publications from displaying stalls.19

 

32. Pressure on human rights defenders and activists continued. International human rights mechanisms continued to express serious concerns regarding the arrest and subsequent prosecution of human rights defenders for exercising their fundamental rights to freedom of expression and assembly. The Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders expressed grave concern about the physical and psychological integrity of people exercising their rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association including the systematic arrest of prominent human rights defenders, particularly lawyers, journalists, student activists and those advocating against the discrimination of women, and about the illegitimate restrictions imposed on the right of human rights defenders to freedom of opinion and expression (see A/HRC/19/55/Add.2 and A/HRC/20/27/Add.3). The Special Rapporteur also expressed concern about the allegations of widespread use of torture and ill treatment against human rights defenders while in detention, detention in unknown locations and incommunicado detention. On 4 May, a number of Special Rapporteurs20 publicly condemned the arrests and harsh sentencing of human rights defenders.

 

33. Ms. Nargis Mohammadi, the former Vice-President of the Defenders of Human Rights Centre, founded by Nobel Laureate Shirin Ebadi, was rearrested on 21 April to resume a six-year prison sentence handed down by an Iranian appeal court for “assembly and collusion against national security, membership in the Defenders of

Human Rights Centre and propaganda against the system”. She was first arrested at her home in Tehran on 10 June 2010 and sentenced to 11 years in prison, which was reduced to 6 years on appeal. Furthermore, the Appeal Court reportedly recently upheld a nine-year prison sentence coupled with a 10-year occupational ban for Mohammad Ali Dadkhah, another prominent human rights lawyer and co-founder of the Defenders of Human Rights Centre. He was convicted on charges including “membership in the Defenders of Human Rights Centre” and “spreading propaganda against the system” in 2011. On 31 May, the Iranian authorities confirmed an

18-year prison sentence for Mr. Abdolfattah Soltani, a prominent lawyer and human rights activist, who had been arrested on 10 September 2011. The court also banned him from practising law for 20 years. On 8 January, a Tehran Revolutionary Court found Mr. Soltani guilty of establishing and managing an association that endangered national security, propaganda against the system, unlawful association and conspiracy with the intention of disturbing public security, and acquisition of wealth by illegitimate means. The sentence was reportedly reduced to 13 years on appeal.

 

34. Concerns also remain about the ongoing imprisonment of a prominent human rights defender, Ms. Nasrin Sotoudeh, and the harassment and intimidation of her family members. Ms. Sotoudeh was arrested on 4 September 2010 and sentenced to six years in prison and a 10-year ban on exercising her profession. Authorities

reportedly recently imposed a travel ban on Mr. Reza Khandan, the husband of Ms. Sotoudeh, who has been publicly campaigning for his wife, and on their 12-year-old daughter. Mr. Khandan was previously summoned for questioning by the authorities and charged with spreading lies and disturbing public opinion. The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights wrote to the Government on 25 June 2012, expressing concerns about the continuing arrests, convictions and heavy sentencing of lawyers and human rights defenders, including Ms. Sotoudeh, in respect of charges that appear to be linked to their profession. She noted that lawyers and human rights activists make a positive contribution to a democratic and harmonious society and urged the Government to release imprisoned lawyers and human rights defenders along with all persons who have been arrested for peacefully exercising their right to freedom of expression, association and assembly.

 

35. The Secretary-General welcomes the decision by the Parliament of the Islamic Republic of Iran to further review and amend a proposed new law on the establishment and supervision of non-governmental organizations that had raised serious concerns among many Iranian non-governmental organizations.21 The initial draft law unduly restricts the independence of civil society organizations and impedes the right to freedom of association and peaceful assembly of a wide range of actors, including human rights defenders, women’s rights activists, teachers and trade associations.

 

36. Workers continue to face restrictions, arrest, conviction and imprisonment for exercising the right to freedom of association by forming independent trade unions. The absence of a legislative framework permitting trade union pluralism and the ensuing ban on trade union activities violate the right to freedom of association.

Independent trade unions, including the Workers’ Union of the Tehran and Suburbs Bus Company, the Sugar Cane Workers’ Union of the Haft Tapeh Sugar Cane Company and the Teachers’ Association, are reportedly banned and their leaders subjected to sanctions. Mr. Mansour Osanloo, President of the Workers’ Union of

the Tehran and Suburbs Bus Company, along with the leaders of the Haft Tapeh Sugar Cane Workers’ Union, were subjected to repeated detention for exercising

their right to strike.22 Mr. Reza Shahabi, the Treasurer of the Workers’ Union of the Tehran and Suburbs Bus Company, was recently sentenced to six years in prison and a five-year ban on engaging in union activities, on charges of “propaganda against the system and conspiracy against national security”. In July 2012, the Appeal Court in Tehran reportedly upheld the sentence. Mr. Shahabi has been in detention since mid-2010. In June 2012, security forces reportedly arrested over 60 persons who were participating in the sixth General Assembly of the Coordinating Committee to Help Form Workers’ Organizations. The majority of those arrested were reportedly released, but nine members of the Coordinating Committee allegedly remain in custody. Authorities also turned down a request by labour organizations to observe 1 May as International Workers’ Day.

 

G. Economic, social and cultural rights

37. With a population of 75 million,23 the Islamic Republic of Iran is an upper middle-income country which has made notable progress in human development. Its human development index value for 2011 was 0.70, placing the country in the high human development category. This represents an increase from a human

development index value of 0.493 in 1985 and a total increase of 42 per cent or an average annual increase of about 1.4 per cent.24 The Islamic Republic of Iran is also on track to achieve most of the Millennium Development Goals, particularly Goals 1 (reducing extreme poverty), 2 (achieving universal education), 4 (reducing child mortality by half) and 5 (reducing maternal mortality by three quarters).

 

38. The Islamic Republic of Iran has showed greatly improved results in health and education. Access to health care, including reproductive health care, has improved, with increased life expectancy at birth for both men and women; more people have access to safe drinking water; maternal mortality decreased from 150 per 100,000 live births in 1990 to 30 in 2008;25 the under-five mortality ratio decreased to 21 out of 1,000; the proportion of births attended by skilled health personnel increased to 97.3 per cent; and primary health-care coverage in rural areas stands at more than 98 per cent. The country also has a literacy rate for girls of more than 90 per cent,

an overall literacy rate of more than 75 per cent, social security coverage encompassing 30 million people26 and health insurance schemes covering about 50 per cent of the population.

 

39. The Islamic Republic of Iran has also made significant progress in women’s education and health. Literacy rates among 15-24-year-old women increased from 96.1 per cent in 2000 to 99.2 per cent in 2008, and the ratio of girls to boys in primary, secondary and tertiary education increased from 79.2 per cent in 1990 to 98 per cent in 2007.27 Currently, more than half of all university students are women. This progress is reflected in the increased gender development index, which rose from 0.713 in 2004 to 0.770 in 2009. However, according to the Human Development Report 2011: Sustainability and Equity: A Better Future for All, the Islamic Republic of Iran ranks 98 out of 187 in gender inequality.

40. Amid such achievements, the country still faces such challenges as unemployment, low labour productivity growth, income inequality, environmental degradation and vulnerability to the impacts of climate change. The unemployment rate for 2010 was 11.9 per cent, with higher rates among young people (22.7 per cent for men, 32.4 per cent for women). The rate for 2011 was put at 12.3 per cent, with some reports suggesting closer to 15 per cent and many more underemployed.28 The continual rise in inflation, reported at 21.8 per cent as at April 2012, coupled with the implementation of the 2010 Subsidy Reform Act,29 also caused unemployment to rise because business cannot keep up with increased utility bills, higher prices of materials and such overhead costs as shipping.30 Although the Government claims to have saved billions of dollars31 by phasing out subsidies for

 

fuel, electricity and basic goods and replacing them with direct cash subsidies, the costs of fuel and basic services such as utilities have increased four to sevenfold.32

 

41. Furthermore, disparities between urban centres and underdeveloped regions remain visible. For instance, despite noticeable improvement in health, the life expectancy for men and women in some provinces, including Sistan-Baluchistan, Kurdistan, Kohkilooyeh and Booyer Ahmad, and Lorestan, remains lower than in other areas. The human poverty index stands at 8.28 and 10.9 for Tehran and Isfahan provinces respectively, but in Sistan-Baluchistan and Kurdistan, the figures are 38.3 and 22.5. Similarly, primary school enrolment in Sistan-Baluchistan is 76.7 per cent, compared with a national average of 90 per cent. Income inequality stands

above 0.4, with significant disparities among provinces, districts, urban centres and rural areas.33

 

42. The sanctions imposed on the Islamic Republic of Iran have had significant effects on the general population, including an escalation in inflation, a rise in commodities and energy costs, an increase in the rate of unemployment and a shortage of necessary items, including medicine.34 A number of Iranian non-governmental organizations and activists have expressed concerns about the growing impact of sanctions on the population and have noted that inflation, rising prices of commodities, subsidy cuts and sanctions are compounding each other and having far-reaching effects on the general population. They report, for instance, that people do not have access to lifesaving medicines. Furthermore, since the sanctions extend to banking transactions, many foreign banks have stopped doing business with the Islamic Republic of Iran altogether, which has made it considerably difficult for Iranians to transfer funds and for private business to obtain lines of credit.35

 

43. The sanctions also appear to be affecting humanitarian operations in the country. Even companies that have obtained the requisite licence to import food and medicine are facing difficulties in finding third-country banks to process the transactions. Owing to payment problems, several medical companies36 have stopped exporting medicines to the Islamic Republic of Iran, leading to a reported shortage of drugs used in the treatment of various illnesses, including cancer, heart and respiratory conditions, thalassemia and multiple sclerosis.37

III. Cooperation with international human rights mechanisms

 

and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for

 

Human Rights

A. Cooperation with the United Nations human rights treaty system

 

44. The Islamic Republic of Iran has ratified five core international human rights treaties38 and is a signatory to the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflict.

45. The Human Rights Committee considered the third periodic report of the Islamic Republic of Iran (CCPR/C/IRN/3) on 17 and 18 October 2011, the State party’s first report submitted to the Committee in 18 years. In its concluding observations (CCPR/C/IRN/CO/3), the Committee welcomed the opportunity to renew its constructive dialogue with the Islamic Republic of Iran and noted various positive developments, such as the signing of the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflict, its accession to the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography, and the ratification of the Convention on the Rights of the Child. However, the Committee expressed concern about the inequality of women with regard to marriage, family and inheritance; the harassment, persecution and cruel punishment, including the death penalty, faced by members of the lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender community; the extremely high and increasing number of death sentences; the execution of minors; the widespread use of torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment in detention facilities; the frequent violations of fair trial guarantees; and the discrimination faced by minority groups.

The Committee encouraged the Islamic Republic of Iran to ensure that all obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights are fully respected and that Iranian legislation and practices are brought into line with its provisions.

 

B. Cooperation with special procedures

 

46. There have been no visits by special procedures mandate holders since 2005, despite a standing invitation issued to all thematic mandate holders in 2002. The Government has agreed in principle to a number of visits by special procedures, including the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances,39 the

Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions40 and the Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief.41 To date, however, these visits have not been scheduled. Requests for country visits by other mandate holders, including the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran, remain outstanding. The authorities reconfirmed to OHCHR their plan to invite two mandate holders to visit in 2012, although these invitations have not yet materialized.

 

47. Since his appointment in August 2011, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran has appealed to the Government to extend its full cooperation and enable the fulfilment of his mandate. His requests for a country visit have yet to receive a positive response. In a positive move, the

Permanent Missions of the Islamic Republic of Iran to New York and Geneva received the Special Rapporteur for a meeting and assured him of their cooperation. The Special Rapporteur presented his first report to the Human Rights Council at its nineteenth session (A/HRC/19/66) on 12 March 2012. On that occasion, he expressed regret concerning the unwillingness of the Iranian authorities to cooperate substantively with international human rights mechanisms and with the country mandate holder in particular. He also expressed his deep concern about the deteriorating situation of human rights in the country. The Iranian authorities argued

that the Special Rapporteur had repeated baseless allegations and had ignored the positive aspects of human rights development in Iran.

 

48. In 2011, special procedures mandate holders sent a total of 17 communications to the Islamic Republic of Iran; the Iranian authorities responded to only one.

 

C. Cooperation with the Office of the United Nations High

 

Commissioner for Human Rights

49. In February 2010, the Islamic Republic of Iran officially invited the United

Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights to visit the country. The High

Commissioner accepted the invitation but requested that a working-level mission be allowed to visit the country to prepare for her visit. The Government accordingly invited a working-level OHCHR delegation to visit from 19 to 22 December 2011.

 

50. The OHCHR delegation held meetings with senior Government officials, members of the judiciary, Members of Parliament, the Non-Aligned Movement Centre for Human Rights and Cultural Diversity, the United Nations country team and diplomatic missions. Requests made before and during the visit for meetings with opposition figures under house arrest, access to other prisoners of concern and a meeting with a range of independent civil society representatives were declined. The delegation sought to raise individual cases of concern and offered technical assistance in relation to key legislation, such as the revised Islamic Penal Code, the Code of Criminal Procedures, juvenile justice laws and a proposed new law on the establishment and supervision of non governmental organizations. Following the discussions, both sides agreed that a visit by the High Commissioner would require more in-depth preparations and outreach to different actors.

IV. Conclusions and recommendations

 

51. The Secretary-General is deeply troubled by reports of the increasing number of executions, including in public; continuing amputations and flogging; arbitrary arrest and detention, unfair trials, torture and ill treatment; and the severe restrictions targeting media professionals, human rights defenders, lawyers and opposition activists. The Secretary-General regrets reports of restrictions in the enjoyment of human rights imposed on non-nationals, notably refugees, including in the areas of education and freedom of movement.

He again encourages the Government to address the concerns highlighted in the present report and the specific calls for action contained in General Assembly resolutions and recommendations of various human rights mechanisms, including the universal periodic review process.

 

52. Noting the positive achievements of the Islamic Republic of Iran against many economic and social indicators, the Secretary-General encourages the Government to continue addressing regional disparities in the enjoyment of economic and social rights, and discrimination against women and members of

certain minorities.

 

53. The Secretary-General notes and is encouraged that the authorities have taken certain positive steps such as the decision to omit stoning as a method of execution and to limit the application of the death penalty for juvenile offenders in its recent Penal Code reform. However, the Secretary-General expresses concern that the new Islamic Penal Code fails to abolish the execution of juvenile offenders and has not raised the age of criminal liability of children. The Secretary-General strongly encourages the Government to further revise the Islamic Penal Code and juvenile justice laws to ensure compliance with

international human rights standards and to end punishments that are prohibited under international law. In the meantime, the Secretary-General calls upon the Islamic Republic of Iran to institute a moratorium on the death penalty.

 

54. The Secretary-General welcomes the recent efforts made by the Islamic Republic of Iran to report to human rights treaty bodies. He encourages the country to implement the concluding observations of the Human Rights Committee. The Secretary-General calls upon the Government to ratify the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment.

 

55. The Secretary-General welcomes the expressed intention of the Islamic Republic of Iran to invite two special procedures mandate holders for a visit in 2012 and hopes that these invitations will be expedited. He regrets that despite requests for a country visit, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human

rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran has not yet been admitted to the country.

The Secretary-General encourages the Government to fully cooperate in the fulfilment of the Special Rapporteur’s mandate by inviting him to the country at the earliest opportunity.

 

56. The Secretary-General welcomes the cooperation extended by the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran to OHCHR, including through the invitation of a working-level visit. The Secretary-General encourages the Government to strengthen cooperation with OHCHR and other relevant United Nations agencies, programmes and funds, as well as with civil society, with a view to enhancing the promotion and protection of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran.

 

 

 

 

 

I would like to first of all offer my thanks to the governments of Germany, Sweden, and Norway for unconditionally accepting my request to conduct my latest fact-finding mission in their countries. The mission has been very successful, as I was able to collect a wealth of valuable information on subjects relevant to my mandate in Berlin, Stockholm, and Oslo.

Over the past twelve days, I have met and spoken with several dozen individuals of Iranian origin, human rights workers, government officials, and academic experts. I would like to thank everyone who took time to share information with me, particularly those who were able and willing to offer first-hand witness testimony related to the situation of human rights in Iran. I have and will continue to apply rigorous standards in assessing the credibility of every individual account and piece of testimony I encounter. With that said, the credible testimonies I did receive on this trip have largely confirmed patterns I had previously encountered, and paint a very concerning picture of the human rights situation in Iran.

I speak at a time when the execution rate in Iran seems to have accelerated to an alarming pace in recent weeks and months. There are credible reports, in many cases corroborated by the government itself, that the number of executions carried out in just the past two weeks is at least 32, and possibly as high as 81. In October, the government executed 10 individuals, including Mr. Saeed Sedighi, despite impassioned calls from the international community to halt the executions in light of serious concerns regarding due process. I am extremely alarmed by this apparent spike in executions, and I reiterate my call on the government of Iran to adhere to its own international legal obligations in guaranteeing due process and ceasing the use of the capital punishment, except in cases narrowly defined as acceptable by the UN Human Rights Committee for the ICCPR.

I am troubled by the treatment of various minority groups in the country, who all too often bear the brunt of repressive policies. These include unrecognized religious minorities like the Baha’i and Yarsan, as well as recognized but increasingly suppressed religious communities like Christians and certain Sunni Muslim communities. I am also deeply concerned about ethnic minorities, including the Baluch, Kurdish, Ahwazi Arab, Turkmen, and Azerbaijani peoples, whose plights are often compounded by linguistic and cultural subjugation, in additional to political repression.

The situation for women in Iran has worsened in recent months, as new segregationist education policies have been implemented, and women’s rights activists are being harassed and sometimes arrested for various forms of free expression, including for the defense of women’s rights or for educational or cultural expression. A new bill, currently in the Parliament, would extend the age required for women to obtain the consent of a parental guardian for a passport to 40.

The situation for sexual minorities in Iran is also extremely alarming, as the government tightly controls all forms of consensual relations.

The Iranian government continues to harass, detain, and imprison human rights defenders, who are often themselves lawyers, raising serious concerns about the independence of lawyers and of the judiciary in the country. While I was pleased that the government released Pastor Youcef Nadarkhani in September, I was disappointed that only days later, authorities summoned his lawyer, Mohammad Ali Dadkhah, to serve a prison sentence for spurious charges. Ms. Nasrin Sotoudeh, another lawyer and human rights defender currently in prison, is on a hunger strike related to the authorities’ treatment of her family, and I am worried about her condition.

Of course, I am extremely troubled by reports that Mr. Sattar Beheshti, a blogger imprisoned for exercising his legitimate right to free expression, died while in custody, possibly because of injuries sustained from torture. I expect the Iranian government to conduct a comprehensive, impartial, and transparent investigation into his death, to make the methodology and results of that investigation public, and to punish anyone responsible and compensate his family appropriately. I also once again extend this call for investigations to cases dealt with by previous mandate holders, and to the events following the 2009 presidential elections. In this regard I echo the concluding observations made by the Human Rights Committee in their review of Iran last year.

Unfortunately, it appears that the space is narrowing for any independent thought or expression that

Iranian government authorities do not approve of, for any reason, in contravention of Iran’s international legal obligations and, indeed, some of its own laws. I remain hopeful that the government of Iran will substantively engage the specific findings that I have outlined today, and in more detail in my reports, and that we can work together to reverse these trends and promote respect for human rights, freedom, and rule of law.

I would now be happy to answer any questions you might have.

http://ireport.cnn.com/docs/DOC-885428

وصلت في صيف هذا العام 2012) (نسبة التلوث في بعض من المدن الأحوازية الى مايقارب 7657 ميكروغرامأ لكل متر مكعب أي مايقارب 383 اضعافأ مقارنة بالنسبة التي متعارف عليها دوليأ( و هي 20 ميكروغرامأ لكل متر مكعب) حسب مانقلته وكالة مهر الايرانية شبه الرسمية في يوم الاحد الموافق ل 18 مارس 2012 ,الامرالذي كان و مازال سببأ لوفات العشرات من المواطنين الأحوازيين بسبب امراض سرطان الرئة والامراض الكلوية الذي تتستر عن اعلانها السلطات الايرانية . فارتفاع نسبة التلوث البيئي في الأحواز جعل منها ان تتصدر قائمة المدن الاكثر تلوث عالميأ وفقأ لاخر التقارير الصادرة من منظمة الصحة العالمية التابعة للأمم المتحدة في 26 سبتمبر/ ايلول 2011 بعد ما وصلت هذه النسبة الى 18 اضعافأ اى 372 ميكروغرامأ لكل متر مكعب ، و لكن بعد مرور اقل من بضعة اشهر ارتفعت هذه النسبة في المدن الأحوازية الى (في مدينة عبدان :7657 ميكروغرامأ لكل متر مكعب ,في الأحواز:4350 ميكروغرام ,في مدينة القنيطرة 3255 ميكروغرام ) الامر الذي له نتائج كارثية صحية على الانسان الأحوازي ،في الوقت الذي حاولت السلطات الايرانية ان تصف هذه النسبة ب 51 اضعافأ بدلأ من النسبة الحقيقية المذكورة اعلاه . 

 الحكومة الايرانية و التي لديها مؤسسات رسمية في كافة المحافظات لسجل حالات الوفيات لم تعلن الى الان عن أي احصائية سنوية لعدد الوفيات في الأحواز، سوأءً هذه الوفيات نتيجة للمارسات القمعية من قبل تلك السلطات أو ناجمة عن التلوث البيئي المتعمد الذي تقوم به تلك السلطات وفقأ للخطط و للاهداف السياسية العنصرية لاستهداف التركيبة السكانية العربية في الأحواز .

و وفقأ للمادة السابعة للنظام الاساسي للمحكمة الجنائية الدولية تعتبر مثل هذه السياسات جرائم ضد الانسانية*اذ حدد النظام الاساسي للمحكمة الدولية تلك الجرائم كالتالي:

القتل العمد،الابادة،الاسترقاق،ابعاد السكان أو النقل القسري لهم،التعذيب،الاغتصاب أو استعباد الجنسي أو الاكراه على البغاء أو الحمل القسري و التعقيم القسري أو اى شكل من الاشكال العنف الجنسي بهذه الدرجة من الخطورة،الاختفاء القسري للاشخاص،الاضطهاد لجماعة محددة أو الفصل العنصري. ومن أهم تلك السياسات العنصرية التي ساهمت و بشكل كبير في ارتفاع نسبة التلوث في الأحواز انشاء و تنفيذ مشاريع سياسية عنصرية من قبل تلك السلطات و التي حاول المعنيون بالشؤون البيئية الأحوازية تلسيط الضوء عليها و لو جزئيا:

اولأ: بناء 74 سدأ بمختلف الاحجام في الأحواز: 17 سد في المحافظة الشمالية الأحوازية (ماتمسى بخوزستان) و 55 سدأ في محافظةهرمزغان و في كل من محافظة ابوشهر و عيلام سدأ واحد . هذه السدود السياسية و التي قامت السلطات الايرانية بتخزين المياه خلفها و من ثم نقلها الى المحافظات الايرانية الاخرى هي سببأ رئيسيأ لتجفيف الانهر الأحوازية و اتساع ظاهرة التصحر بلاضافة الى تجفيف هور الفلاحية و هور الحويزة.

ثانيأ:حرق مزارع مشروع غصب السكر السياسي الاستيطاني بعد موسم الحصاد و التي تصل مساحته الى مايقارب 900 الف هكتار من الاراضي الزراعية الخصبة، احذت بقوة السلاح من قبل الحكومة الايرانية من ممتلكيها العرب الاصليين و من ثم تهجيرهم من تلك الاراضي و التي تعتبر المصدر الوحيد لرزق تلك العوائل العربية الى المدن او حتى خارج الأحواز.

ثالثأ:حرق النفايات لبعض الشركات البتروكيمياوية بالاضافة الى شركة صنايع فولاذ الاستيطانية و التي يعمل في هذه الاخيرة مايقارب 3200 عامل ، 3000 غير أحوازيين ، بينما حصة العرب لاتتجاوز 200 عامل فقط .

المنظمة الأحوازية لحقوق الانسان

 

 

SECHS ANGEHÖRIGE DER AHWAZI: MOHAMMAD ALI AMOURI, Blogger RAHMAN ASAKEREH, Chemielehrer HASHEM SHA'BANI AMOURI, Lehrer HADI RASHIDI (AUCH: RASHEDI), Lehrer SAYED JABER ALBOSHOKA SAYED MOKHTAR ALBOSHOKA, Bruder von Sayed Jaber Alboshoka

• APPELLE AN

Sechs Angehörige der Ahwazi, einer arabischen Minderheit im Iran, sollen am 20. Mai vor Gericht erscheinen. Die Männer sind alle wegen ihres Einsatzes für die Minderheit der Ahwazi-Araber festgenommen und fast ein Jahr ohne Anklage festgehalten worden. Es steht zu befürchten, dass die sechs Männer kein faires Verfahren erhalten und ihnen Folter oder andere Misshandlungen drohen könnten.

Die Männer stammen alle aus Khalafabad in der Provinz Chuzestan im Süd-Westen des Iran. Sie waren im Februar und März 2011 im Vorfeld des sechsten Jahrestages der Proteste von Ahwazi-Arabern im April 2005 festgenommen worden. Der Blogger Mohammad Ali Amouri, der Chemielehrer Rahman Asakereh und der Lehrer Hashem Sha'bani Amouri wurden am 16. Februar festgenommen. Ein weiterer Lehrer, Hadi Rashidi, wurde am 28. Februar in Gewahrsam genommen, und Sayed Jaber Alboshoka sowie seinen jüngeren Bruder Sayed Mokhtar Alboshoka nahm man im März fest.

Derzeit werden die Männer im Karoun-Gefängnis in Ahwaz in der Provinz Chuzestan in Haft gehalten. Wenigstens vier von ihnen durften mindestens die ersten acht Monate lang keinen Kontakt zu Rechtsbeiständen aufnehmen. Ungefähr im Februar dieses Jahres wurden alle sechs Männer in jeweils fünfminütigen Gerichtsverfahren vage formulierter Vergehen angeklagt. Die Anklage lautet auf "Feindschaft zu Gott und Verdorbenheit auf Erden" (moharebeh va ifsad fil-arz), "Verabredung zu einer Straftat gegen die nationale Sicherheit" und "Verbreitung von Propaganda gegen das System". Für "Feindschaft zu Gott und Verdorbenheit auf Erden" kann die Todesstrafe verhängt werden. Das Verfahren der Männer vor Abteilung 2 des Revolutionsgerichts in Dezful ist für den 20. Mai angesetzt.

Mohammad Ali Amouri war im Dezember 2007 in den Irak geflohen und im Januar 2011 in den Iran zurückgeführt worden. Er soll während seiner ersten sieben Monate in Haft gefoltert und anderweitig misshandelt worden sein. Hadi Rashidi wurde nach seiner Festnahme offenbar infolge von Folter und anderen Misshandlungen in ein Krankenhaus eingeliefert und soll in schlechter gesundheitlicher Verfassung sein. Sayed Jaber Alboshoka hat laut Aussagen seiner Familienangehörigen 10 kg an Gewicht verloren, und Sayed Mokhtar Alboshoka leidet wegen Folter und anderen Misshandlungen offenbar an Depressionen und Gedächtnisverlust

HINTERGRUNDINFORMATIONEN Die Ahwazi-Araber sind eine der zahlreichen ethnischen Minderheiten im Iran. Sie leben größtenteils in der Provinz Chuzestan im Süd-Westen des Iran. Hauptsächlich handelt es sich bei den Ahwazi um schiitische Muslime, einige sind jedoch zur sunnitischen Konfession übergetreten. Dies hat das Misstrauen der iranischen Regierung gegenüber den Ahwazi-Arabern noch verstärkt. Oft klagen die Ahwazi über Marginalisierung und Diskriminierung hinsichtlich Bildung, Arbeit, angemessener Unterkünfte, politischer Teilhabe und kultureller Rechte.

Im April 2005 kam es zu Massendemonstrationen in der Provinz Chuzestan, nachdem mutmaßliche Pläne der Regierung bekannt geworden waren, die arabische Bevölkerung zu vertreiben beziehungsweise zu zwingen, ihre arabische Identität aufzugeben. Nach Bombenanschlägen in der Stadt Ahvaz im Juni und Oktober 2005, bei denen mindestens 14 Personen ums Leben kamen, und weiteren Anschlägen auf Ölanlagen im September und Oktober desselben Jahres, hat sich die Lage zusätzlich verschärft. Berichten zufolge wurden hunderte Personen festgenommen. Erneute Bombenanschläge am 24. Januar 2006, denen mindestens sechs Menschen zum Opfer fielen, hatten weitere willkürliche Massenfestnahmen zur Folge. Bislang sind mindestens 15 Männer wegen ihrer mutmaßlichen Beteiligung an den Bombenattentaten hingerichtet worden.

Mohammad Ali Amouri floh im Dezember 2007 aus dem Iran in den Irak, da die Behörden offenbar nach ihm fahndeten, nachdem er im Rahmen der regierungskritischen Demonstrationen vom April 2005 Protestveranstaltungen organisiert haben soll. Er wurde schließlich in Basra im Süden des Irak festgenommen, der illegalen Einreise in irakisches Staatsgebiet beschuldigt und zu einer einjährigen Haftstrafe im Gefängnis von al�'Amara verurteilt. Nach Ableisten seiner Gefängnisstrafe (siehe UA-003/2009) wurde Mohammad Ali Amouri im Januar 2011 in den Iran zurückgeführt. 20 Tage später wurde er im Iran festgenommen.

Berichten zufolge wurden möglicherweise hunderte Angehörige der arabischen Minderheit vor, während und nach den Demonstrationen vom 15. April 2011 verhaftet. An diesem Tag hatte man anlässlich des sechsten Jahrestages der Massendemonstrationen von 2005 zum sogenannten "Tag des Zorns" aufgerufen. Laut Angaben der iranischen Behörden wurden mindestens drei Menschen während der Demonstrationen am 15. April 2011 bei Auseinandersetzungen mit den Sicherheitskräften getötet, einige davon im Stadtteil Malashiya in Ahvaz. Wahrscheinlich hat es jedoch weitaus mehr Tote gegeben. Amnesty International liegen die Namen von 27 mutmaßlich getöteten Personen vor. Quellen der Ahwazi-Araber gehen jedoch von noch höheren Opferzahlen aus. Da die iranischen Behörden Amnesty International nicht gestatten, in den Iran einzureisen, konnte die Organisation die Angaben bisher nicht bestätigen. Der Informationsfluss in und aus Chuzestan unterliegt weiterhin sehr strengen Kontrollen durch die iranischen Behörden, weshalb ausländische Journalisten daran gehindert werden, die Provinz zu bereisen. Mindestens vier Ahwazi sollen in der Zeit zwischen dem 23. März 2011 und Mitte Mai 2011, möglicherweise an den Folgen von Folter oder anderen Misshandlungen, in Gewahrsam gestorben sein. Weitere Angehörige der arabischen Minderheit - darunter auch Hadi Rashidi - wurden etwa zur selben Zeit offensichtlich wegen Verletzungen durch Folter oder andere Misshandlungen in Krankenhäuser eingeliefert.

2012 sind Berichten zufolge im Vorfeld der Parlamentswahlen vom 2. März zwischen dem 10. Januar und Anfang Februar 50 bis 65 Menschen festgenommen und an mindestens drei unterschiedliche Orte in der Provinz Chuzestan gebracht worden. Mindestens zwei der Festgenommenen sollen in Gewahrsam gestorben sein. Vor allem in der Stadt Shoush im Norden der Provinz Chuzestan riefen Ahwazi zu einem Boykott der Wahlen auf. In Shoush kam es Meldungen zufolge zu Festnahmen, nachdem dort gegen die Wahl gerichtete Sprüche an Wände gemalt worden waren. Bei anderen Festnahmen könnte es sich um Präventivmaßnahmen gehandelt haben, mit denen möglicherweise verhindert werden sollte, dass Ahwazi-Araber sich anlässlich des Jahrestags der landesweiten Demonstrationen vom 14. Februar 2011 zusammenfinden, um so ihre Unterstützung für die gewaltsam unterdrückten Menschen in Tunesien und Ägypten auszudrücken. Möglicherweise sollte mit den Festnahmen auch eine Versammlung der arabischen Minderheit anlässlich des Jahrestags des "Tags des Zorns" am 15. April unterbunden werden. Im Vorfeld des Jahrestags, von Ende März bis Mitte April 2012, wurden Berichten zufolge mindestens 25 Ahwazi-Araber festgenommen, nachdem es in verschiedenen Städten der Provinz zu Protesten gekommen war.

PLEASE WRITE IMMEDIATELY

• Calling on the authorities to ensure that the men (naming them) are tried according to international fair trial standards and without recourse to the death penalty.
• Urging them to make sure that the men are protected from torture and other ill-treatment, and that they are allowed regular access to lawyers of their choosing.
• Calling on them to ensure that Hadi Rashidi and the other five men are given immediate access to adequate medical treatment.

Amnesty International

(نيويورك، 11 يوليو/تموز 2012) ـ قالت هيومن رايتس ووتش اليوم إن على القضاء الإيراني أن يلغي فوراً أحكام الإعدام الصادرة بحق خمسة نشطاء ينتمون إلى الأقلية العرقية العربية في إيران وأن يسمح لمحاميي الرجال وأقاربهم بزيارتهم في مقار احتجازهم. عبرت هيومن رايتس ووتش عن قلقها العميق على سلامة هؤلاء المحتجزين وغيرهم من الإيرانيين العرب المحتجزين، عقب تقارير في 17 يونيو/حزيران 2012 تفيد بأن السلطات أعدمت أربعة رجال عرب متهمين بأنشطة تتعلق بالإرهاب.
هادي راشدي، 38 سنة، وهاشم شعباني(نجاد)، 32 سنة، ومحمد علي عموري(نجاد)، 34 سنة، معرضون جميعاً لخطر الإعدام الوشيك، كما قال صديق مقرب من عائلات الرجال لـ هيومن رايتس ووتش. كانت محكمة ثورية قد أدانت هؤلاء الرجال في جلسة مغلقة بتهم تتعلق بالإرهاب وعقوبتها الإعدام، لعضويتهم المزعومة في جماعة عربية انفصالية مسلحة ومشاركتهم في أنشطة مسلحة. أصدر القضاء أيضاً أحكاماً بالإعدام على شقيقين من الإيرانيين العرب هما سيد مختار، 25 سنة، وسيد جابر البوكوشة، 27 سنة، اللذين اعتقلا في وقت واحد. وبسبب التعتيم والسرية المحيطين بالمحاكمات الأمنية في محافظة خوزستان الإيرانية ذات الأغلبية العربية حيث يعيش هؤلاء الرجال، لا تتوفر الكثير من المعلومات عن الأدلة المستخدمة ضد هؤلاء الرجال، باستثناء اعترافاتهم المتلفزة.
قالت سارة ليا ويتسن، المديرة التنفيذية لقسم الشرق الأوسط في هيومن رايتس ووتش: "لم يقدم القضاء أدلة توحي بضرورة أن يقضي هؤلاء الرجال يوماً آخر في السجن، ناهيك عن التعليق على المشانق. إن غياب الشفافية المحيط بإدانة هؤلاء الرجال والعقوبات الصادرة بحقهم هو سبب آخر لضرورة إلغاء أوامر الإعدام".
اعتقلت القوات الأمنية الرجال الخمسة المحكوم عليهم بالإعدام في فبراير/شباط 2011 على ذمة عضويتهم المزعومة في منظمة إرهابية وتورطهم في حوادث إطلاق نيران تقول السلطات إنها وقعت في بلدة رامشير (المعروفة أيضاً باسم خلف أباد) وما حولها، في محافظة خوزستان.
قال صديق العائلة لـ هيومن رايتس ووتش إن نفس المحكمة حكمت مؤخراً بالسجن على أربعة رجال آخرين من نفس البلدة في أعقاب تهم يبدو أنها ذات دوافع سياسية. هؤلاء الرجال هم رحمن عساكرة، 34 سنة، المحكوم عليه بـ20 عاماً، واسماعيل أبيات ، 29 سنة، المحكوم عليه بـ5 أعوام، وعلي بدري، 31 سنة، المحكوم عليه بـ6 أعوام، وشهيد عموري، 42 سنة، المحكوم عليه بعام واحد. كافة الرجال المحكوم عليهم في هذه القضية، باستثناء اسماعيل أبيات، هم حالياً من سكان خلف أباد، البلدة التي تقع على بعد 120 كيلومتراً جنوب غرب الأحواز، ومعظمهم من المعلمين أو النشطاء الثقافيين المعروفين، وقد جرى استهداف قلة منهم، تضم عساكرة وعموري، من قِبل السلطات لنشاطهم السياسي وصلاتهم بالأحزاب الإصلاحية في أثناء رئاسة محمد خاتمي.
قال المصدر لـ هيومن رايتس ووتش إن الرجال التسعة هم من بين اثني عشر ناشطاً إيرانياً عربياً من خلف أباد على الأقل اعتقلتهم القوات الأمنية منذ فبراير/شباط 2011. منذ ذلك الحين أفرجت السلطات عن عدد منهم بكفالة، إلا أن هيومن رايتس ووتش لا تملك معلومات محددة عن الحالة [الراهنة] لقضاياهم.
حسب بعض الجماعات المدافعة عن حقوق الإيرانيين العرب، اعتقلت السلطات الـ12 عربياً أو نحوهم من خلف أباد تحسباً للمظاهرات التى كان مخططاً لها يوم 15 أبريل/نيسان 2011، الموافق للذكرى السنوية السادسة لاحتجاجاتالأغلبية العرقية العربية في المحافظة، والتي اشتكت طويلاً من غياب التنمية الاجتماعية والاقتصادية في المنطقة. سكان خوزستان العرب يتهمون الحكومة الإيرانية أيضاً بالتمييز المنهجي ضدهم، وخاصة في مجالات التوظيف والإسكان والحقوق المدنية والسياسية.
في أبريل/نيسان 2011 قامت هيومن رايتس ووتش بتوثيق استخدام الذخيرة الحيةمن قِبل قوات الأمن على المتظاهرين في مدن محافظة خوزستان، مما أدى إلى قتل العشرات وجرح أعداد أكبر بكثير. لم يتم التحقيق مع أي مسؤول إيراني بشأن هؤلاء الضحايا.
قال المصدر لـ هيومن رايتس ووتش إن فرع 2 للمحكمة الثورية في الأحواز، الذي يرأسه القاضي سيد محمد باقر موسوي، أصدر أحكام الإعدام الخمسة. وقال إن السلطات أبلغت محاميي الرجال وأسرهم بأحكام الإعدام بعد أن قامت المحكمة الإيرانية العليا على ما يبدو بتأييدها، إلا أنه لم يعرف الموعد المحدد الذي أصدرت فيه المحكمة الأصلية أحكامها.
لم تتمكن هيومن رايتس ووتش من الحصول على نسخة من أحكام الإعدام أو الإدانة الصادرة بحق هؤلاء الرجال، ولا يسعها التحقق بشكل مستقل من أن المحكمة الإيرانية العليا أيدت أحكام المحكمة الأدنى درجة. إلا أن جماعات الإيرانيين العرب الحقوقية تصرح بأن المحكمة الثورية أدانت هؤلاء الرجال بتهم تتعلق بالإرهاب تشمل محاربة الله والإفساد في الأرض، ويُعاقب عليها بالإعدام. بموجب المواد 186 و190-191 من قانون العقوبات الإيراني، يمكن إدانة كل من يثبت عليه حمل السلاح ضد الدولة أو الانتماء إلى منظمة تحمل السلاح ضد الحكومة، إدانته بـ"محاربة الله" والحكم عليه بالإعدام.
في 13 ديسمبر/كانون الأول 2011، أذاعت "بريس تي في"، وهي محطة حكومية ناطقة بالإنجليزية، أذاعت وثائقيايظهر فيه راشدي وشعباني وعربي آخر، هو طه حيدريان، الذي قيل بعد ذلك إنه أعدم. يبدو راشدي وشعباني في الوثائقي وكأنهما يعترفان بالانضمام إلى مجموعة إرهابية عربية تدعى "المقاومة الشعبية"، كانت مسؤولة عن إطلاق النار على أربعة موظفين حكوميين، تمت تسمية بعضهم في البرنامج. قال البرنامج إن المجموعة الإرهابية مدعومة من الولايات المتحدة والمملكة المتحدة علاوة على إيرانيين عرب مقيمين بالخارج ويتظاهرون بأنهم من نشطاء حقوق الإنسان.
لم يقدم برنامج "بريس تي في" أية معلومات إضافية عن موعد الهجمة المزعومة أو إصابة أحد فيها من عدمها. قال المصدر المطلع لـ هيومن رايتس ووتش إنه لا يعرف بأية حوادث إطلاق نيران إرهابية وقعت في خلف أباد في العامين الأخيرين، وأن الأشخاص الذين تمت تسميتهم في أثناء البرنامج كضحايا للهجمة المسلحة أحياء وبصحة جيدة.
ترى المجموعات الحقوقية الإيرانية العربية أن اعترافات راشدي وشعباني انتُزعت بالإكراه والتعذيب في أثناء اعتقالهما داخل مقر محلي لوزارة الاستخبارات، وأنهما أنكرا التهم الموجهة إليهما في المحكمة. قال المصدر المطلع لـ هيومن رايتس ووتش إن راشدي يعاني من إصابات في منطقة الحوض نتيجة للتعذيب. في مايو/أيار نشرت قناة العربية الفضائية تقريراًيفيد بأن عملاء وزارة الاستخبارات أرغموا شعباني على الاعتراف بجرائم لم يرتكبها بسكب الماء المغلي عليه.
منذ مايو/أيار 2011، أعدمت السلطات 11 رجلاً من الإيرانيين العرب على الأقل وصبياً عمره 16 عاماً في سجن كارون، لصلاتهم المزعومة بمجموعات متورطة في مهاجمة القوات الأمنية، كما قالت هيومن رايتس ووتش. كان نشطاء حقوق الإنسان قد أبلغوا هيومن رايتس ووتش من قبل بأن ستة أشخاص آخرين على الأقل عُذبوا حتى الموت في عهدة القوات الأمنية والاستخباراتية على ذمة المظاهرات المعارضة للحكومة التي اجتاحت محافظة خوزستان في أبريل/نيسان 2011و2012.
كانت هيومن رايتس ووتش قد وثقت حالات عديدة قامت فيها قوات الأمن الإيرانية باستخدام الإكراه البدني والنفسي، بما فيه التعذيب، للحصول على اعترافات كاذبة في قضايا أمنية، كما أدانت المحاكم المتهمين بتهم تتعلق بالإرهاب في محاكمات اعتمد المدّعون فيها أساساً، إن لم يكن حصرياً، على الاعترافات، وفشلوا في تقديم أية أدلة مقنعة تثبت إدانة المتهم.
قالت سارة ليا ويتسن: "لن تتمتع محاكمة للإرهاب في إيران بالمصداقية طالما ظل دليل الحكومة الرئيسي هو الاعترافات المتلفزة، وظلت الإجراءات محجوبة بأقنعة السرية. إن أحكام الإعدام الصادرة بسرعة الصاروخ وبدون حد أدنى من حماية الأصول القانونية للمتهم لا تدعو إلى شيء سوى التشكك في حيثيات قضية الحكومة".
كانت هيومن رايتس قد عبرت من قبل عن قلقها العميق بشأن حالة راشدي وشعباني وغيرهما من الإيرانيين العرب المحتجزين لدى القوات الأمنية والاستخباراتية، وهي قلقة بشكل خاص على مصيرهم في ضوء تقارير عن إعدامطه حيدريان وثلاثة رجال عرب آخرين في يونيو/حزيران لدورهم المزعوم في قتل ضابط شرطة. في 9 يونيو/حزيران قام مسؤولو سجن كارون في الأحواز بنقل الإخوة طه وعباس وعبد الرحمن حيدريان، ومعهم رجل آخر، إلى جهة غير معلومة. بعد نحو أسبوع قامت السلطات بإبلاغ أقارب هؤلاء الرجال بإعدامهم.
بعد عدة أيام من ظهور تقارير تفيد بإعدام الرجال، قامت مجموعات حقوقية إيرانية عربية بنشر مقطع فيديويزعم تصوير الرجال وهم يقرأون التماساً لإنقاذ حياتهم إلى الدكتور أحمد شهيد، مقرر الأمم المتحدة الخاص بوضع حقوق الإنسان في إيران المعين حديثاً، بعد اعتقالهم على يد القوات الأمنية. لم تتمكن هيومن رايتس ووتش من التحقق بشكل مستقل من صحة مقطع الفيديو.
تعارض هيومن رايتس ووتش عقوبة الإعدام في كافة الظروف بسبب طبيعتها القاسية، اللاإنسانية، والتي لا تقبل الرجوع عنها.
قالت سارة ليا ويتسن: "ما نشهده اليوم في محافظة خوزستان الإيرانية هو قتل برعاية الدولة، يهدف وفق حسابات

الكثيرين، إلى إسكات الأصوات التي تنتقد سياسات الحكومة في المنطقة".

هيومن رايتس ووتش

قالت منظمة العفو الدولية بعد قيام السلطات الإيرانية بنقل خمسة سجناء من عرب الأهواز إلى مكان مجهول نهاية الأسبوع، إنه يجب على تلك السلطات أن تلغي على الفور أحكام الإعدام الصادرة بحق هؤلاء السجناء الذين حوكموا على نحو ظالم وقد يواجهون الإعدام الوشيك على الملأ.
ونقل السجناء خارج القسم العام من سجن "كارون" في مدينة "أهواز" جنوبي غرب البلاد يوم السبت، وهو ما أثار مخاوف من أن يكون تنفيذ أحكام الإعدام فيهم وشيكاً.
وتضم المجموعة ثلاثة أخوة هم عبد الرحمن حيدري وطه حيدري وجمشيد حيدري، وابن عمهم منصور حيدري، وأمير معاوي.
واعتقل هؤلاء الخمسة في أبريل/نيسان 2011 في خضم القلاقل التي شهدتها ولاية "خوزستان" حيث يعيش غالبية أقلية العرب الأهواز في إيران، وأدينوا لاحقاً بتهمة "المحاربة" (وتعني "كراهية الله" - وفق المصطلح الإيراني) لقتلهم ضابط أمن.
وقالت آن هاريسون نائبة مدير قسم الشرق الأوسط وشمال أفريقيا في منظمة العفو الدولية: "يجب على إيران أن توقف فوراً أي خطط لإعدام هؤلاء الرجال الخمسة من الأهواز. ويجب إلغاء أو تخفيف أحكام الإعدام عن جميع من ينتظرون حكم الإعدام في السجون الإيرانية. ويجب إخطار ذوي هؤلاء الخمسة على الفور بمكانهم ومصيرهم، وينبغي السماح بأن يلتقوا محامين يختارونهم. كما يجب حمايتهم أثناء احتجازهم من كافة أشكال التعذيب والمعاملة السيئة، وأن يحظوا بكل الرعاية الطبية الضرورية."
يذكر أن المحكومين بالإعدام عموماً ينقلون إلى سجن انفرادي قبل فترة وجيزة من تنفيذ أحكام الإعدام بهم.
وحسب القانون الإيراني يجب على المحامين أن يتلقوا إخطاراً قبل 48 ساعة من إعدام موكليهم، لكن من غير الواضح ما إذا كان هؤلاء الرجال الخمسة قد سمح لهم أصلاً بمن يمثلهم أمام القضاء.
وفي نحو 5 مارس/ آذار 2012 أبلغ موظفون في وزارة الاستخبارات الإيرانية عائلات الرجال بأن المحكمة العليا في إيران قد صدّقت على عقوبة الإعدام على السجناء الخمسة كلهم.
وليس من المعروف متى مـَثُل هؤلاء الرجال أمام محكمة ثورية في محاكماتهم الأولية. وقالت عائلاتهم إنهم "اعترفوا" بجريمة القتل لكنهم قاموا بذلك تحت وطأة التعذيب أو سوء المعاملة. وعادة ما تقبل المحاكم الإيرانية "الاعترافات" التي يتم انتزاعها بالإكراه كدليل.
ويعيش معظم عرب الأهواز، وهم من الأقليات الكثيرة في إيران، في ولاية خوزستان الجنوبية الغربية الغنية بالنفط.
وكثيراً ما يشتكي عرب الأهواز من التهميش والتمييز ضدهم في الحصول على التعليم والوظائف والسكن المناسبة والمشاركة السياسية والحقوق الثقافية.
وقد شكل بعض عرب الأهواز- وغالبيتهم من الشيعة مثل أغلبية سكان إيران- جماعات تطالب بدولة عربية مستقلة في المنطقة.
ففي أبريل/نيسان من عام 2005 شهدت ولاية خوزستان مظاهرات حاشدة بعد أنباء عن عزم الحكومة الإيرانية تفريق عرب الأهواز من المنطقة والسعي لإفقادهم هويتهم كعرب الأهواز.
وقد وقعت سلسلة من تفجيرات قنابل في مدينة "أهواز" وفي منشآت نفطية في أواخر عام 2005 ومطلع عام 2006 ما جعل السلطات تشن عدة حملات من الاعتقالات التعسفية في المنطقة. وقد أعدم ما لا يقل عن 15 رجلاً في وقت لاحق بناء على تورطهم المزعوم في التفجيرات.
وفي أبريل/نيسان 2011 نظم أعضاء في أقلية عرب الأهواز ما أطلقوا عليها اسم احتجاجات "يوم الغضب" في أنحاء ولاية خوزستان احتفالاً بالذكرى السنوية السادسة لانتفاضتهم السابقة.
وبعدها أعطيت منظمة العفو الدولية أسماء 27 شخصاً قيل إنهم قتلوا في صدامات مع قوات الأمن بينهم أشخاص قتلوا في حي "الملاشية" في مدينة أهواز.
وتقول مصادر عرب الأهواز إن عدد الضحايا كان أكثر من ذلك، بينما تزعم السلطات أن عدد القتلى هو ثلاثة فقط. وقرابة الوقت الذي خرجت فيه المظاهرات بين مارس/آذار ومايو/أيار من عام 2011 قيل إن ما لا يقل عن أربعة رجال من عرب الأهواز قتلوا وهو في المعتقل ربما نتيجة التعذيب أو غيره من أشكال المعاملة السيئة. وقيل إن آخرين أدخلوا المستشفيات لعلاجهم من جروح أصيبوا بها أثناء الاحتجاز.
وفي مطلع أيار/مايو من عام 2011، قيل إن السلطات الإيرانية أعدمت ما لا يقل عن ثمانية من عرب الأهواز- بينهم هاشم حميدي، الذي يعتقد أنه كان يبلغ من العمر 16 سنة-على دورهم المفترض في قتل مسؤول أمن واثنين آخرين خلال صدامات.
وليس من الواضح إن كان هذا هو نفس الشرطي الذي اتهم الرجال الخمسة الآخرون أيضاً بقتله.
وفي الفترة التي سبقت الانتخابات البرلمانية الإيرانية في مارس/آذار من هذا العام وقعت اعتقالات جماعية في ما لا يقل عن ثلاثة أمكنة متفرقة في ولاية خوزستان أسفرت عن اعتقال ما بين 50 و 65 شخصاً، كما قيل إن شخصين آخرين توفيا أثناء وجودهما قيد الاحتجاز.
وقالت آن هاريسون:" إن من حق عرب الأهواز- مثل أي شخص في إيران - أن يعبروا سلمياً عن معارضتهم لسياسات الحكومة. يجب على السلطات الإيرانية أن تراجع القانون الذي يميّز ضد عرب الأهواز وغيرهم من الأقليات العرقية والدينية. وإن لم تفعل فإن ذلك لن يؤدي إلا إلى استمرار دوامة النقمة والاحتجاج والقلاقل. فيجب على السلطات أن تبدأ في تحقيق مستقل وحيادي في الأنباء المتواترة عن التعذيب وغيره من أشكال المعاملة السيئة في السجون ومراكز الاعتقال الإيرانية - سواء تلك التي يتعرض لها عرب الأهواز أو غيرهم - وأن تقدم للقضاء أي شخص تثبت مسؤوليته عن الانتهاكات."

خلفية

إن منظمة العفو الدولية تعترف بحقوق ومسؤوليات الحكومات في تقديم المشتبه في ارتكابهم مخالفات إجرامية إلى العدالة، لكن يجب عليها أن تفعل ذلك على نحو يتم فيه احترام حقوق الإنسان. ولدى نشر قوات الأمن لمراقبة سير المظاهرات يجب أن يكون أي استعمال للقوة وفق الحاجة ومتناسباً في آن معاً، ويجب عدم استخدام القوة المميتة عن عمد إلا في الحالات الخاصة حصرا التي لا يمكن تجنب استخدامها فيها بغية حماية النفس.

منظمة العفو الدولية

حثت منظمة العفو الدولية السلطات العراقية على منع الإعادة القسرية لعدد من أفراد الأقلية العربية الأحوازية إلى إيران وسط مخاوف من تعرضهم لخطر التعذيب وغيره من انتهاكات حقوق الإنسان في إيران.
ويحُتجز حالياً في سجن البصرة لاجئان معترف بهما، وهما شاهد عبد الحسين عباس علامي وصالح جاسم الحامد، بينما نُقل شخص ثالث إلى حجز مسؤولين إيرانيين في العراق.
كما أن ما لا يقل عن ثلاثة عرب أحوازيين، وجميعهم من أفراد أسرة واحدة، عرضة لخطر جسيم، ويُعتقد أن السلطات العراقية اعتقلتهم بناء على طلب الحكومة الإيرانية لأن والدهم ناشط سياسي إيراني، يعيش حالياً في المنفى. وقد تم تسليم اثنين من أفراد هذه الأسرة، وكلاهما دون سن الثامنة عشرة، إلى مسؤولين إيرانيين في العراق، ولم يُعرف مصيرهم بعد ذلك.
وقال مالكوم سمارت، مدير برنامج الشرق الأوسط وشمال أفريقيا في منظمة العفو الدولية: "إن السلطات يجب ألا تسمح بإعادة أفراد الأقلية العربية الأحوزاية هؤلاء إلى إيران."
"وكان عرب أحوزايون آخرون، ممن اُعيدوا قسراً إلى إيران في الماضي، قد تعرضوا للتعذيب. وتخشى منظمة العفو الدولية أن يتعرض هؤلاء الأشخاص لخطر حقيقي لانتهاك حقوقهم الإنسانية في حالة إعادتهم، وسيشكل هذا الإجراء انتهاكاً لالتزامات العراق الدولية بموجب القانون الدولي.
ولا يُسمح للدول بإعادة الأشخاص إلى بلدان يمكن أن يتعرضوا فيها لخطر التعذيب أو غيره من الانتهاكات الخطيرة لحقوق الإنسان. وتظهر هذه الحالات في وقت يقال إن الحكومة العراقية تفاوض من أجل التوصل إلى اتفاقية تعاون مع إيران، تسمح للدولتين بتسليم أو تبادل السجناء المدانيين.
ومن بين أفراد هذه الأسرة الخمسة الذين يتعرضون للخطر: زيدان عباس وحيدر عباس وجبران جمعة عباس، وجميعهم محتجزون حالياً في سجن العمارة. كما اعتُقل معهم شقيقهم الأصغر وليد جمعة عباس وشقيقتهم الصغرى نسرين جمعة عباس، وكلاهما دون سن الثامنة عشرة، ولكن تم تسليمهم إلى مسؤولين إيرانيين في العراق.
وتُعتبر الأقلية العربية الأحوازية واحدة من الأقليات العديدة في إيران. ويعيش قسم كبير من الأقلية العربية في أقليم خوزستان الواقع جنوب غرب البلاد والمتاخم للحدود العراقية. ومعظم أفرادها من المسلمين الشيعة، ولكن بعضهم تحول إلى الطائفة السنية، مما زاد في شكوك الحكومة في الأحوازيين، الذين يشتكون من التهميش ويتعرضون للتمييز.
إن العراق دولة طرف في العهد الدولي الخاص بالحقوق المدنية والسياسية وفي اتفاقية مناهضة التعذيب، وهما معاهدتان تحظران الإعادة القسرية لأي شخص إلى بلد يمكن أن يتعرض فيه لخطر التعذيب أو غيره من ضروب إساءة المعاملة.
كما أن المبدأ الدولي المتعلق بعدم الإعادة القسرية يحظر الإعادة القسرية لأي شخص إلى بلد يمكن أن يتعرض فيه لخطر انتهاكات حقوق الإنسان، بما فيها اللتعذيب.

منظمة العفو الدولية

(New York) – Iranian security forces arrested more than 65 Arab residents during security sweeps in Iran’s Arab-majority Khuzestan province since late 2011 according to local activists, Human Rights Watch said today. The Iranian government should immediately charge or release those arrested, Human Rights Watch said. Authorities should also investigate reports by local activists that two detainees have died in Intelligence Ministry detention facilities in the past week. Reports by local activists about security sweeps in the towns of Hamidiyeh, Shush, and Ahvaz indicate that authorities carried out at least some of the arrests in response to anti-government slogans and graffiti spray-painted on public property expressing sympathy for the Arab Spring and calling for a boycott of Iran’s parliamentary elections, scheduled for March 2, 2012. Human Rights Watch received information that Mohammad Kaabi, 34, and Nasser Alboshokeh Derafshan, 19, died in detention facilities run by local intelligence officials in Shush and Ahvaz respectively, apparently as a result of torture. The local activists say that most of those arrested are being held in incommunicado detention. “There has been a blackout inside Iran on this latest round of arrests targeting Arab protesters and activists,” said Joe Stork, deputy Middle East director at Human Rights Watch. “Authorities should immediately divulge the reasons for the arrests, give detainees access to family members and lawyers, bring all detainees promptly before a judge, and hold anyone responsible for torture to account.” Human Rights Watch expressed concern for those in custody. Based on past government actions some of those arrested could be at imminent risk of execution if they are convicted by revolutionary courts of national security crimes including terrorism or espionage, or face prosecution on such charges. Human Rights Watch is not aware of any charges that have been brought in these cases. According to several Iranian Arab rights groups, security forces have since November 2011 arrested at least 18 Arab men in Hamidiyeh, 25 kilometers west of Ahvaz, the provincial capital. The first arrest, on November 28, was of the prominent activist Hasan Manabi, an elementary school principal, and his brother Ghabel. A close friend of Hasan Manabi told Human Rights Watch that security and intelligence forces had arrested him numerous times since 2005. He said that Manabi, who had told the friend about torture and ill-treatment at the hands of intelligence officials following earlier arrests, had decided in late 2010 to seek asylum in Turkey. Manabi’s friend told Human Rights Watch that the Intelligence Ministry summoned and detained Manabi’s wife for several days to pressure him to return to Iran. Manabi returned in September 2011 and introduced himself to intelligence officials in Ahvaz, who interrogated him, then released him after several hours. But on November 28 intelligence agents raided Manabi’s home and arrested him and his brother Ghabel. The authorities have since accused Hasan Manabi of spying for the United States and the United Kingdom, in addition to having ties with Arab opposition groups operating in Khuzestan province. A local Khuzestan activist told Human Rights Watch that the latest round of arrests in Hamidiyeh began when security forces arrested nine Iranian Arabs on January 10 and four more on January 26 and 30. Most are between ages 20 and 28, and some had previously been detained for participating in demonstrations demanding more rights for Iran’s ethnic Arab minority. At least one has been released on bail, the local activist said, and several others have since been arrested. Authorities have also arrested at least 27 people in Shush, 115 kilometers northwest of Ahvaz, in recent weeks. A local activist there said that security forces, including plainclothes members of the Intelligence Ministry, initiated the arrests in response to anti-government slogans and graffiti spray-painted on public property expressing sympathy for the Arab Spring and calling for a boycott of Iran’s parliamentary elections, scheduled for March 2. The activist said that security forces set up checkpoints throughout Shush. After they arrested Jasim Kaabi, his daughter Khadijeh, and his son Mohammad in their home on January 21, he said “people became angry and poured into the streets.” In response, security forces arrested at least 24 men, most of them in their 20s, on January 25 and 26. The arrests took place in Ahmadabad, Khazireh, Davar, and several villages outside of Shush. “For about four days [from January 25] Shush was effectively under martial law, which has since been lifted,” the activist said. “But the city is still under a heavy security presence.” The local activist told Human Rights Watch that Mohammad Kaabi, who was arrested in Shush on January 21, died in custody at a local Intelligence Ministry detention facility. The local activist confirmed reports from other activists that on February 2 authorities from the Shush Intelligence Ministry office contacted Kaabi’s family and informed them that he had died. The official reportedly told the family that authorities had already buried Kaabi’s remains and there was no need for funeral services. They warned the family not to conduct a public mourning service for their son. Prior to news of Kaabi’s death, local activists told Human Rights Watch that 19-year-old Nasser Alboshokeh Derafshan had allegedly died after being tortured on January 30 in an Intelligence Ministry detention facility in Ahvaz. A source close to Derafshan’s family told Human Rights Watch that security forces arrested Derafshan on January 26 for unknown reasons. On January 30, agents from Ahvaz’s Intelligence Ministry called Derafshan’s father and told them to come pick up him up, the source said. When his father arrived at the detention facility, he caught a glimpse of a body inside the ambulance parked there and asked if it was his son, but the authorities denied it. He followed the ambulance to Golestan hospital and discovered that the body in the ambulance was his son’s. The source told Human Rights Watch that Derafshan’s family saw signs of torture on his body, including bruises on his face, neck, waist, and ribs. The authorities claim that Derafshan died of natural causes. The source told Human Rights Watch that authorities have so far refused to return Derafshan’s body to his family. Local activists also told Human Rights Watch that intelligence agents have arrested at least 11 Arab men in and around Ahvaz since February 3. Security forces arrested another 10 Arab men, all of whom are members of the Sunni sect, on January 17, activists said. One of them told Human Rights Watch that security forces, many of them plainclothes agents, are present throughout Ahvaz and the situation there is very tense. Human Rights Watch has received the names of many of those arrested or killed, but has not been able to verify the circumstances of each arrest due to severe government restrictions on independent monitoring and reporting in the province. Human Rights Watch previously called on Iranian authorities to allow independent international media and human rights organizations access to investigate allegations of serious rights violations in the province. “Security operations in Khuzestan province since protests there last April have resulted in the largest number of deaths and injuries since the crackdown that followed the disputed 2009 presidential election,” Stork said. “With the province under an information blackout and the history of secret convictions and executions, we have reason to be very worried about the people the authorities have been snatching up and carrying off there.” Background Khuzestan province, where much of Iran’s oil and gas reserves are located, has a large ethnic Arab population believed to number more than 2 million, possibly a majority of residents. Despite Khuzestan’s natural resource wealth, ethnic Arabs have long complained about the lack of socioeconomic development in the region. They also allege that the Iranian government has systematically discriminated against them, particularly in employment, housing, and civil and political rights. 

The arrests in Hamidiyeh, Shush, and Ahvaz are the latest in an intense government security and media campaign over several years targeting Khuzestan Arab residents and activists. The government routinely alleges that Arab rights activists and protesters engage in terrorism and espionage, or are tied to armed Arab separatist groups. On December 13, 2011, Press TV, a government English-language station, aired a documentary featuring three Arab men who confessed before the cameras that they had carried out terrorist activities. The program alleged that the men – Hadi Rashedi, Hashem Shaabani, and Taha Heidarian – were part of a group called ‘Khalq-e Arab,’ supported by US and UK interests and foreign-based Iranian Arabs who fronted as human rights activists. A source who knows both Rashedi and Shaabani told Human Rights Watch that the two men are among more than 10 others from the town of Khalafabad, located about 120 kilometers southeast of Ahvaz, who have been arrested and detained by authorities since January 2011. He said he believes the men were forced to confess to these crimes after being subjected to physical and psychological torture. In April 2011, Human Rights Watch documented the use of live ammunition by security forces against protesters in cities throughout Khuzestan province, killing dozens and wounding many more. No Iranian official has been held to account for these killings. Authorities also arrested several hundred demonstrators and rights activists, some of whom are still in detention, and executed at least seven Arab men and a 16-year-old boy in Ahvaz’s Karun prison between May 4 and May 7, Iranian Arab rights groups reported. Local rights activists have told Human Rights Watch that at least some of those executed had been arrested only weeks before, during the April protests. Activists say that at least four others died in custody between March and May. The authorities should open independent and transparent investigations into all alleged killings, Human Rights Watch said. The April 2011 protests were held to mark the sixth anniversary of 2005 protests in Khuzestan, in which security forces opened fire to disperse demonstrators in Ahvaz and other cities and towns, killing at least 50 protesters and detaining hundreds. The 2005 crackdown led to a cycle of violence throughout Khuzestan province, including several bomb attacks in June and October 2005 and January 2006 that killed 12 people. In response, the government imprisoned numerous activists it claimed were Arab separatists responsible for terrorist attacks against civilians and sentenced more than a dozen people to death on terrorism-related charges. Since 2006, authorities have executed at least 19 Iranians of Arab origin. Names of People Reported Arrested in Khuzestan Province Since November 2011 (provided by local activists)* Shush: Qasem Badavi, Jaajaa Chenani, Aadel Dabbat, Ahmad Dabbat, Ashur Dabbat, Faisal Dabbat, Kazem Dabbat, Ebrahim Heidari, Hamid Kaabi, Jaafar Kaabi, Jasem Kaabi, Karim Kaabi, Khadijeh Kaabi (female), Mohammad Kaabi (died in detention), Sajjad Kaabi, Ali Kenani, Abbas Khasraji, Mehdi Khasraji, Moslem Mazraavi, Morteza Mousavi, Hasan Navaseri, Mehdi Navaseri, Salar Obeidavi, Amir Sorkhi, Adnan Zoqeibi, Ahmad Zoqeibi, Osman Zoqeibi Hamidiyeh: Hasan Abiat, Jalil Abiat, Jamal Abiat, Aadel Cheldavi, Adnan Cheldavi, Karim Doheimi, Ali Heidari, Mohammad Adnan Helfi, Ghabel Manabi (arrested November 2011), Hadi Manabi, Hasan Manabi (arrested November 2011), Seyed Faraj Mousavi (released on bail), Heidar Obeidavi, Khaled Obeidavi, Ayoub Saedi, Emad Saedi, Abbas Samer, Eidan Shakhi Ahvaz (and vicinity): Ahmad Afravi (Sunni), Nasser Alboshokeh Derafshan (died in detention), Majid Bavi (Sunni), Abdolvahid Beit Sayyah (Sunni), Valid Hamadi, Qazi Handali Farhani (Sunni), Jamal Hazbavi (Sunni), Tofiq Heidari, Hamid Khanfari Batrani (Sunni), Hossein Khazraji (Sunni), Said Khazraji (Sunni), Jasem Marvani, Taher Moaviyeh, Mohammad Naami, Seyed Ahmad Nazari (Sunni), Aadel Saedi, Hossein Savari, Ali Sayyahi, Ali Sharifi, Sadoun Silavi, Khalaf Zobeidi (Sunni) *This list is not exhaustive and Human Rights Watch could not independently verify whether the individuals listed remain in

Human Rights Watch

07.02.2012

 

 Ahwazischer Verein: 470 Personen festgenommen

 Wien/Ahwaz - Bei Demonstrationen für die Selbstbestimmung im westiranischen Ahwaz (Ahvas/Ahvaz) in der Provinz Khouzistan (Chuzestan) sollen am vergangenen Freitag mehrere Menschen getötet worden sein. Das teilte der "Ahwazische Verein zur Verteidigung der Menschenrechte", mit Sitz in Wien, am Montag in einer Aussendung mit. An zwei Demonstrationstagen sollen demnach 19 Menschen von iranischen Streitkräften getötet und Dutzende verletzt worden sein. 470 Personen, darunter 50 mitunter schwangere Frauen, seien festgenommen worden.

 Zu der Demonstration hatten laut dem Verein unter dem Motto "Tag des Zorns" politische Aktivisten und Organisationen aufgerufen, die die "Okkupation" der Region Ahwaz sowie Übergriffe der iranischen Behörden auf die Menschen in dem Gebiet verurteilten. Zudem hätten sie die Internationale Gemeinschaft zum Eingreifen aufgefordert. Ahwaz ist die Hauptstadt der öl- und erdgasreichen historischen Landschaft Chusistan - auch Gebiet arabischer Separatisten im Südwest-Iran. In dem nahe der irakischen Grenze liegenden Gebiet sind 50 Prozent der Einwohner Araber. Die iranische Bevölkerung insgesamt zählt nur rund drei Prozent Araber. (APA)

Der Standard Wien/Österreich

18.04.2011